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Former DC sniper profiler pinpoints what may have driven alleged Trump gunman to attack

Matt Boose,
 April 28, 2026

A retired FBI agent who helped crack the 2002 DC sniper case says the man charged with trying to assassinate President Trump outside the White House Correspondents' Dinner likely reached a psychological "breaking point" fueled by months of escalating political rage, Fox News reported.

The analysis from former FBI profiler and behavioral analyst Brad Garrett lands as federal prosecutors build their case against Cole Tomas Allen, the 31-year-old Torrance, California, man now facing attempted assassination charges after allegedly opening fire on a Secret Service checkpoint with a shotgun on the night of the annual dinner.

Allen survived the encounter. A Secret Service agent took a shotgun blast to a bulletproof vest but walked away without serious injury. The president was not harmed. But the incident has forced a hard reckoning with a question that keeps resurfacing: what turns political hostility into lethal action, and who bears responsibility for the rhetorical environment that precedes it?

What Garrett sees in the pattern

Garrett, who spent years studying the behavioral escalation of targeted violence during his FBI career, told Fox News that individuals like Allen rarely snap without warning. Instead, they follow a recognizable arc: consuming inflammatory content, fixating on a target, and gradually convincing themselves that violence is justified or even heroic.

The former investigator pointed to Allen's social media footprint as a roadmap of that escalation. Garrett said the alleged gunman's online activity shows a man who immersed himself in anti-Trump rhetoric until it consumed his identity, a pattern Garrett compared to the radicalization trajectories he studied during the DC sniper investigation and other targeted-violence cases.

What makes this case distinctive, Garrett suggested, is the source of the rhetoric Allen appears to have absorbed. This was not a man lurking in obscure extremist forums. His feed was filled with mainstream political voices.

A social media trail pointing toward the mainstream

A Washington Free Beacon investigation into Allen's social media accounts found that the suspect promoted posts from prominent Democratic politicians, established media commentators, and anti-Trump resistance figures on Bluesky and X. Among those whose content Allen amplified were Sen. Ron Wyden, New York Times columnist Jamelle Bouie, journalist Aaron Rupar, commentator Will Stancil, and Washington Post columnist Jennifer Rubin.

Allen reportedly shared posts from Wyden calling Trump a "deranged" war criminal who should face "Nuremberg 2.0" and be removed from office. The Free Beacon noted that Allen appeared to reject fringe left-wing streamers like Hasan Piker, instead gravitating toward establishment Democratic commentary and resistance-style rhetoric.

That distinction matters. It suggests the alleged gunman did not need the internet's darkest corners to build his justification for violence. He found enough fuel in the feeds of sitting senators and nationally syndicated columnists.

The pattern echoes concerns raised after other recent plots against the president. A Wisconsin man was sentenced to life without parole after prosecutors said he killed his own parents to fund a separate Trump assassination plot, a case that revealed a similar spiral of online radicalization and fixation.

The night of the attack

Federal prosecutors have laid out a detailed timeline of Allen's alleged actions. The Washington Examiner reported that Allen traveled across multiple state lines from Los Angeles to Washington while armed with a pump-action shotgun, a.38 caliber semiautomatic pistol, and multiple knives.

He checked into the Washington Hilton, the hotel hosting the dinner, and then approached a Secret Service security checkpoint. Prosecutors say he opened fire, striking one agent in the vest before being subdued and arrested.

Assistant U.S. Attorney Jocelyn Ballantine told a federal court that Allen "traveled across multiple state lines with a firearm" and "attempted to assassinate the president with a 12-gauge pump action shotgun." Prosecutors have argued the case qualifies as federal terrorism.

Acting U.S. Attorney General Todd Blanche offered a blunt assessment of how close Allen actually got to his alleged target:

"From what we know from video surveillance and from witnesses who were there, (he) barely got past the perimeter."

FBI Director Kash Patel told Fox News that the criminal complaint would lay bare the full scope of Allen's alleged planning. Patel said the document would show "what he did, how he got there, when he got there, when he arrived, how he got down to the area in question, how he was able to get through security undetected."

That last phrase carries weight. Even a failed attempt that "barely got past the perimeter" still involved a man with a loaded shotgun firing rounds at federal agents protecting the president. The security review that follows will need to answer how Allen reached that checkpoint armed with three weapons and a manifesto.

Charges and what comes next

National Review confirmed that Allen faces charges of attempted assassination of President Trump, along with firearm transport and discharge offenses. The attempted assassination charge alone carries severe federal penalties.

Allen allegedly sent a manifesto before the attack indicating that Trump and administration officials were his targets. Investigators have not publicly confirmed the full contents of that document, though prosecutors referenced it in their initial filings. The manifesto's language and targets will likely become central to the government's case as it moves forward.

The case adds to a growing list of alleged assassination plots and attacks directed at the former and current president. Ryan Routh was sentenced to life in prison for his attempt on Trump's life, and a federal jury in Brooklyn convicted Asif Merchant in a separate Iran-directed conspiracy to kill Trump along with other political figures.

President Trump called Allen "a very sick person" and vowed to reschedule the White House Correspondents' Dinner within 30 days.

The radicalization question no one wants to own

Garrett's analysis forces a conversation that much of the political establishment would prefer to avoid. If Allen's radicalization pathway ran through the social media accounts of Democratic senators and mainstream columnists rather than through underground extremist networks, the standard "lone wolf on the fringe" narrative does not hold.

That does not mean any politician or columnist caused the attack. Criminal responsibility belongs to the person who picked up the shotgun. But Garrett's behavioral framework asks a harder question: when public figures spend months describing a sitting president as a war criminal who deserves prosecution at a new Nuremberg, what effect does that language have on the small percentage of unstable people who take it as a call to action?

The suspect's own online trail, as documented by the Free Beacon, suggests he did not need to be recruited. He simply listened to what prominent voices were already saying and decided someone needed to act on it.

Allen's case also raises familiar questions about how law enforcement monitors pre-attack behavior. Investigators will need to determine whether Allen's escalating online activity generated any flags before he loaded his car and drove east. Previous cases, including a Massachusetts man who allegedly drew a sword on FBI agents arriving to arrest him on Trump threat charges, have shown that the gap between online rhetoric and real-world violence can close faster than agencies anticipate.

A pattern that demands honesty

Garrett's decades of profiling experience give his assessment a weight that political spin cannot easily dismiss. The behavioral arc he describes, from passive consumption to ideological fixation to action, is not theoretical. It is the same pattern the FBI has tracked in mass shooters, domestic terrorists, and targeted-violence offenders for years.

The difference here is that the content pipeline did not originate in a basement chat room. It ran through verified accounts, blue-check commentators, and the official feeds of elected officials. That fact will make the political conversation around this case far more uncomfortable than anyone in Washington wants it to be.

When the loudest voices in mainstream politics spend years treating assassination rhetoric as metaphor, they should not be surprised when someone eventually treats it as instruction.

About Matt Boose

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